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Cheryl's ultimate Christmas party beauty tips revealed - hellomagazine.com

Friday, November 10 2017

Cheryl's ultimate Christmas party beauty tips revealed - hellomagazine.com

Cheryl's ultimate Christmas party beauty tips revealed The singer revealed her top tips for getting ready and her favourite party look November 10, 2017 - 11:45 GMT by Hanna Fillingham Cheryl has revealed her top tips for getting ready during the festive season and how to look great at a Christmas party – find out what she has to say Leave a comment Cheryl has a lot of celebrating to do this festive – and will no doubt be giving baby son Bear a first Christmas to remember. And when it comes to tips on how to look your best, the singer has it covered. While chatting to Glamour magazine , the 34-year-old revealed her top tips on how to make a statement and stay fresh the morning after a late night. All things glitter and sparkle are guaranteed to win Cheryl over when it comes to choosing a Christmas party look. "I do love a bit of Christmas glitter," she said. The pop sensation also makes sure eat healthily and take vitamin supplements to ensure she has good skin: "Having good skin is the best starting point," she added. STORY: Get Cheryl's X-Factor style earrings - for £8 Cheryl has revealed her beauty tips for the festive season While talking to Glamour, Cheryl confessed that she doesn’t look so fresh after a late night, but enjoys going to see the make-up team at work afterwards. "I do love it when I have work and they put an under-eye patch on me, it makes me feel a bit better," she confessed. Like all working mums, time is precious to Cheryl, but she revealed her top time-saving beauty tip: "I put Bio-Oil in the bath. I don’t have time to moisturise all over any more – this does it in one go." The star revealed Bio Oil is her go-to time saving beauty product Last month, Cheryl – who showcased her incredible post-baby figure during her first public outing in September – revealed how she got back into shape. The singer told Vogue that she had streamed Tracy Anderson’s videos. "I have a space in my house where I heat up the room and then just stream it and follow that." She continued: "I've always done Tracy Anderson. When I lived in the States, I went to Brentwood, to her studio, but the streaming is brilliant, so easy and you can do it in your living room." See the latest health and beauty features here... More on:

Sony makes BRAVIA TVs compatible with Amazon Alexa in UK, US - Rapid TV News

Sunday, November 12 2017

Sony makes BRAVIA TVs compatible with Amazon Alexa in UK, US - Rapid TV News

Editor | 12 November 2017 In a clear endorsement of the concept of voice-controlled TV in the mainstream living room, Sony has undertaken a firmware update so that Amazon Alexa-enabled devices can now control its 4K HDR BRAVIA TV models with Android. With the update, users can ask Alexa to perform basic TV functions such as controlling the TV power, volume, play/pause/stop/fast forward controls, switch inputs and change channels. Owners of Amazon Echo, Echo Plus, Echo Show, and Echo Dot and a Sony 4K HDR television with Android can also ask: “Alexa, turn on my living room TV” or “Alexa, change channel to BBC One HD on my living room TV”. Sony believes that voice control is a natural way to interact with technology in the home. “This is a great example of Sony’s commitment to delivering a wide range of innovative technologies to our customers,” said Sony UK TV marketing manager Mike Somerset. “Through our… BRAVIA range with the Android platform we are able to offer compatibility to consumers who have an Amazon Echo, Echo Plus, Echo Show and Echo Dot device in their home to use their devices to interact with the home entertainment experiences made possible by Sony BRAVIA .” The new functionality is currently only supported in the UK and the US. Selected models of Sony’s Android TVs will also become compatible with Amazon Alexa via a firmware update available in November.

Corruption Allegations and Courtroom Drama: What Happened in the Chief Justice’s Court Yesterday?

Saturday, November 11 2017

Corruption Allegations and Courtroom Drama: What Happened in the Chief Justice’s Court Yesterday?

“The subject of judicial corruption is taboo, and like the proverbial Chinese monkeys, one shall not see, hear or speak of this evil,” KK Venugopal, the attorney general of India, told an India Today reporter in 1990. “During the early ’80s, rumours of corruption, nepotism and favouritism were like distant thunder. Now they have got louder.” In the subsequent decades, the legal fraternity largely lived by Venugopal’s words; but the thunders clapped closer and closer to the judicial edifice. On the afternoon of 10 November, I saw a storm break loose in the court of the chief justice of India. A seven-judge bench, led by Dipak Misra, the CJI, was hearing a petition filed by the Campaign for Judicial Accountability and Reforms, an organisation working on public-interest issues of judicial reform. CJAR’s petition asked for the constitution of a Special Investigative Team, headed by a former CJI, to investigate a first information report registered in September by the Central Bureau of Investigation, regarding a corruption scandal emerging out of a medical college in Lucknow. The corruption allegations pertained to the highest offices of the Supreme Court. The petition noted that the health ministry, on the advice of the Medical Council of India, had declined necessary permissions for the medical college to begin functioning on two different occasions—and twice, different benches of the Supreme Court had directed the MCI to reconsider the college’s application. The FIR alleged that the managers of the Prasad Education Trust, which was setting up the medical college, were in conversations with a retired high court judge and several other individuals, who were allegedly acting as middlemen on behalf of members of the higher judiciary adjudicating the case. Both benches of the Supreme Court included the chief justice Dipak Misra. On 8 November, Jasti Chelameswar, the senior-most judge in the Supreme Court after Misra, admitted the CJAR petition and listed it be to be heard in two-days’ time. Later that same day, Prashant Bhushan, the counsel for the petitioners, received a call from the Supreme Court registry, informing him that the CJI had moved the matter and placed it before a different bench, of which Chelameswar was not a part—it comprised AK Sikri and Ashok Bhushan. The next day, the Supreme Court advocate Kamini Jaiswal filed a new petition in relation to the MCI case; the senior advocate Dushyant Dave mentioned the matter before Chelameswar the same day. A bench comprising Chelameswar and Abdul Nazeer heard Jaiswal’s petition later that day, and noted the reasons for its urgency: “It was brought to the notice of the Court that a certain case is registered by the Central Bureau of Investigation against a retired High Court Judge of this country containing serious allegations implicating the said Judge.” The bench issued notice to the central government and the CBI—the respondents in the CJAR’s petition—and stated, “The FIR contained certain allegations which are disturbing. The allegations pertain to the functioning of this Court.” Jaiswal’s petition alleges that “an attempt was being made to unduly influence” the outcome of the writ petition concerning the MCI and Prasad Education Trust, which is pending before the apex court. It also notes that “the FIR is naming a former judge of a high court as an accused, who has apparently been negotiating through a middle man to get a favourable outcome in a petition pending before this Honourable Court.” The petition being referred to in the FIR, Jaiswal’s submission added, was being heard by a bench “headed by the present Chief Justice of India.” “Having regard to the totality of the circumstances,” the bench comprising Chelameswar and Nazeer noted in its order, “we deem it appropriate that this matter be heard by the Constitution Bench of the first five Judges in the order of seniority.” The matter was finally listed for 13 November. On 10 November, the two-judge bench of Sikri and Bhushan directed that the CJAR’s petition, too, be heard by a constitution bench. That afternoon, in a seemingly unprecedented move, the matter was listed for hearing before a seven-judge bench, constituted and led by CJI Misra. Prashant Bhushan had submitted before Sikri and Bhushan that the CJI should not be part of any bench hearing this petition. “The FIR is very clear that there are allegations against the Bench of CJI,” he had said . Now, standing before Misra, he asked for the CJI’s recusal. “The FIR is lodged directly against you,” Bhushan said. Murmurs rose in the wood-panelled courtroom. “Nonsense,” Misra replied. “There is not a word in the FIR about me. You are now liable for contempt.” “So issue a contempt notice,” Bhushan said. “You are not worth it,” the CJI replied. Meanwhile, the Supreme Court Bar Association had impleaded itself as a party in the case, on an oral request before the Sikri and Bhushan bench, before the constitution bench was set up. In court, the SCBA’s secretary Gaurav Bhatia looked visibly hurt by Bhushan’s plea for recusal. This, he told the court, along with the two separate mentions of the case—referring to the CJAR and Jaiswal petitions—was “an attempt to get favourable orders by terrorism.” Bhatia continued: quoting from a 1998 Supreme Court judgement, he said that the CJI is the administrative head of the court, and that puisne judges could not allot matters before themselves. Referring to Chelameswar’s notice, the CJI said, “I have seen yesterday’s judgement. This court can’t function like this.” PS Narsimha, the additional solicitor general, agreed. “Replacement of the executive power of the CJI by judicial power is not permissible,” he said. Prashant Bhushan complained to the court at least twice that the petition of Kamini Jaiswal was not before the constitutional bench. “That case is not before your lordships, why are we talking about that,” he asked. However, no one appeared to be listening to him—Misra did not even turn in his direction. Every time Bhushan began speaking, there was an uneasiness in the room—an apprehension almost, about what he might say. For nearly half an hour, the judges heard arguments from several lawyers in the courtroom—many of whom were merely present in the courtroom and not representing any party in the case. Every time a new voice intoned, someone in the visitor’s box would look up from their notebook, and ask, “Who is that?” One speaker mentioned that in the eyes of the people, the Supreme Court is now worse than the political establishment. “The institution is being brought into disrepute,” an advocate said, addressing the bench. “By whom?” demanded the CJI. Silence for seconds. Bhushan rose, and said, “Now that everyone, including those who are not a party in this matter have been heard, can I make my submissions?” Bhushan asked, “Are my lords going to pass an order without listening to the arguments of the petitioners?” More discussions about Chelameswar’s order in the Jaiswal petition followed. A senior advocate pointed out that people are laughing at the judiciary. When one of the judges asked who had mentioned Jaiswal’s petition before Chelameswar, many responded in unison: “Dushyant Dave and Prashant Bhushan.” “The institution can’t function like this,” the CJI repeated. It is worth noting that the allegations surrounding the functioning of the institution, and in particular, of benches that included Misra, are what led to the different petitions mentioned by Dave and Bhushan in the court. To understand this concern, it is essential to understand its background. In 2015, the Prasad Education Trust, which runs several education institutes in Jaunpur and Lucknow, applied to the central government for permission to set up a new medical college. The government forwarded this application to the Medical Council of India for consideration, which recommended that it be denied. Based on the MCI’s response, in June 2016, the government declined the trust’s application. Two months later, the central government issued a letter of permission to the trust for setting up the college, on the basis of the recommendation of the Oversight Committee—constituted by the Supreme Court in May 2016, the body supervises the functioning of the Medical Council of India. However, late last year, as per the conditions of the letter of permission, the MCI conducted an inspection of the college, and found it deficient on several fronts. The report described a “deserted” campus and locked doors at the hospital. On 31 May this year, on the basis of the MCI’s report, the union health ministry debarred the college from accepting any students for the next two academic years, and authorised the MCI to encash the college’s bank guarantee, worth Rs 2 crore. The trust then filed a petition in the Supreme Court challenging the health ministry’s decision. A bench comprising three judges—Dipak Misra, Amitava Roy and AM Khanwilkar—directed the ministry to conduct another inspection. The matter required, the order read , “a fresh consideration to obviate the possibility of any injustice in the process.” Two days later, the health ministry heard the college afresh, but on 10 August, it reiterated its earlier decision. According to the FIR registered by the CBI, BP Yadav, one of the managers of the trust, then approached IM Quddusi, a retired judge of the Odisha High Court, and “entered into criminal conspiracy for getting the matter settled.” On the advice of Quddusi, the FIR alleged, Yadav withdrew his petition from the Supreme Court, and approached the Allahabad High Court. On 25 August, the high court granted a stay on the encashment of the bank guarantee and said that the college will not be delisted from conducting counselling for admitting students. Four days later, in response to a Special Leave Petition filed by the MCI against the high court’s order, a three-judge bench at the Supreme Court, led by Misra, upheld the stay on bank guarantee and disposed of the writ petition in Allahabad. The trust filed a fresh writ petition in the Supreme Court. On 18 September, a three-judge bench, again led by Misra, upheld the stay once more. For the second time, the bench directed the MCI to conduct a fresh inspection to for the 2018–19 academic session. The next day, the CBI registered its FIR, in which six persons were named, including the retired high court judge, and two managers of the trust. The CBI arrested five of the accused persons on 21 September. In the proceedings before the chief justice’s court, there was little discussion about the allegations of corruption or the background of the cases. Instead, the conversation was centred on the CJI’s position as the administrative head of the court—and everyone was making submissions. Misra solicited the suggestion of a senior advocate standing at the back. “This is contempt,” the advocate said, referring to Bhushan’s conduct. “No judge can refer a matter to a bench,” Misra said, referring to Chelameswar specifying the bench that would hear the petition. “That order is not before your lordship today,” Bhushan said. A lawyer standing with Bhushan lost his temper. “Why are we talking about that case?” he shouted. “Do not raise your voice,” Amitava Roy, one of the judges on the bench, said. “You are a party that is bringing disrepute to the CJI in front of his face.” At around this time, Bhushan got up again. “Are the lordships going to pass an order without listening to my submissions?” he said. Responses came, but Bhushan cut them off. “If you are going to pass an order without listening to the submissions”—his voice rose, gripped by anger—“then my lords can pass whatever order that pleases them … whatever order pleases you …” The courtroom erupted into chaos, and all of a sudden, Bhushan walked out of the courtroom. Reporters ran out, and came back, while the hearing continued. Gopal Singh, an advocate, suggested that a gag order be issued immediately. “The press should not be able to print this,” he said. A couple of TV reporters ran out again. They came back as Misra made a stand for the freedom of the press. Soon after, the CJI pronounced the order. It came in three spurts. First, Misra said, the CJI is the master of the roster. After a pause, the second part: any order that contravenes the administrative power of the CJI, like the one passed by Chelameswar the previous day, was null and void. Thirdly, Misra said after a consultation with Arun Mishra on the bench and almost as an afterthought, both the CJAR and the Jaiswal petition would be heard in two weeks, by a new bench—constituted by the CJI. During the proceedings, someone asked the bench whether they would not hear the petitioner’s submissions. “Oh, but he walked out,” Misra replied, smiling. Atul Dev is a staff writer at The Caravan. More From This Section

Belgian Indie-Rock Choir group Scala & Kolacny Brothers performed in Mumbai

Saturday, November 11 2017

Belgian Indie-Rock Choir group Scala & Kolacny Brothers performed in Mumbai

Scala & Kolacny Brothers In the presence of the King and Queen of Belgium (King Philippe and Queen Mathilde), this Belgian indie-rock choir performed last night at the NCPA to a thunderous applause. Formed in 1996 by brothers Stijn (the conductor) and Steven Kolacny (pianist, composer and arranger), the duo, along with a group of 150 young girls perform everywhere —from chapels to concert halls and even for Hollywood movies and TV series. In fact, their version of Radiohead's Creep was used in David Fincher's 'The Social Network'. While the two started off with performing classical music, they were quick to transform their repertoire in 2001 with contemporary music — an arrangement of rock and pop songs. With a pure feminine and melancholic style, their songs are modern with piano arrangements as well as electronic sampling. "Earlier, we only performed on the piano. However, we have now contemporised our performances to suit the audience with the help of drums, soundscapes and synthesisers," says Stijn. Inspired by original bands like Radiohead, Peter Gabriel, Damien Rice, U2 and Metallica, they regale the audience with both chorale and rock numbers. Besides originals, their covers of popular rock and metal numbers have been appreciated. Their first trip to India has so far been friendly and overwhelming. Says Stijn, "We had to perform a Bollywood number, so we worked closely with a language coach to get our pronunciation right. Before these shows, I was completely blown away by the soundtrack of 'Slumdog Millionaire', like many others in Belgium." Talking about what's next in store, he says excitedly, "We will be touring in China for the first time. Five shows in December... that's us!" Get latest news & live updates on the go on your pc with News App . Download The Times of India news app for your device. RELATED

The Residents of Kathputli Colony are Divided on the Question of the Area’s Redevelopment and Their Rehabilitation

Wednesday, November 15 2017

The Residents of Kathputli Colony are Divided on the Question of the Area’s Redevelopment and Their Rehabilitation

By Kedar Nagarajan | 15 November 2017 Previous Next Print | E-mail | Single Page On 30 October, a large force of police officers, members of the paramilitary Rapid Action Force, and Delhi Development Authority officials supervised the demolition of nearly 400 houses in Delhi’s Kathputli Colony. Situated in west Delhi’s Shadipur Depot area, the Kathputli Colony is a slum cluster comprising over 3,000 families. The area has been home to a large populous of artists and artisans for over 40 years. “We are not against the redevelopment of the colony because at this point it’s an eventuality,” Ali Zia Kabir Choudhary, the advocate representing the residents of the colony in an ongoing case in the Delhi High Court, told me. “We are against the haphazard process being followed by the DDA.” When I visited the colony on 2 November, Haribhau, a 70-year-old resident of the colony, and his daughter Bhumika, were seated among the debris of the demolished homes. Haribhau, a rickshaw puller and a member of the Marathi Samaj—a group of Marathi speakers in the colony—told me that he had been living in the colony for 45 years now. “Of course we want a nicer house, but where is the guarantee,” he said. Bhumika, too, spoke of the concerns that the demolition of the colony raised for its residents. “People cannot honestly tell you that we were living under great circumstances here,” she said. “There was a lack of sanitation facilities. Life in this colony was not what some would have you believe.” She continued, “The problem is that nobody here knows what to think anymore. Politicians, NGOs, the DDA and the builders have all come here and divided people to the point that there is absolutely no unanimity about what the residents of the colony want.” The demolition was conducted in furtherance of DDA’s Delhi Master Plan 2021, which proposes in-situ rehabilitation of slum areas. In October 2009, the real estate group Raheja Developers was awarded the contract for the redevelopment of the colony. As per the DDA’s rehabilitation policy, the DDA housing commissioner JP Agarwal told me, individuals residing in the area before 31 December 2014 were eligible for in-situ rehabilitation, and those who lived in the colony between January and December 2015 would be allotted alternative housing. However, the resident’s counsel Choudhary told me that this does not appear to have been strictly followed, and that there was little clarity on the procedure adopted by the DDA. In the last week of October, the DDA put up three lists on its website—one, of 2,800 residents found eligible for in-situ rehabilitation at Kathputli, who were allotted temporary housing at a transit camp five kilometres from the colony, in Anand Parbat; a second , of 492 residents who have been allotted permanent housing in Narela, an industrial area 30 kilometres away; and a final list , of 771 residents who were found ineligible for any alternative allotment. The lists also state the date of the documents that the residents provided as address proof. Based on these dates, there appeared to be an inconsistency with the policy described by Agarwal because several residents, who appeared to have provided documents that were dated before December 2014, were allotted housing in Narela, or included in the list of ineligible applicants. Agarwal told me that these applicants were not included in the in-situ rehabilitation list because it already contained the names of their family members. During my visit to Kathputli, it soon became evident that Bhumika had accurately described the atmosphere in the colony—the residents were divided on the question of the redevelopment. Most residents seemed to belong to different factions that were loyal to different opinion leaders within the community, and several were critical of NGOs that had been involved in the attempt to halt the project. Numerous residents also claimed that, despite having the necessary documents, they were excluded from both the in-situ rehabilitation list, and the Narela list. “Many people who had documents that proved they lived here before 2011, have still been given flats in Narela, and many others have submitted documents but been told that they have no claim to anything,” Bhumika told me. She asked, “Would you be able to trust an organisation that was doing this?” On 31 October, the Delhi High Court ordered a ten-day stay on the demolition in the colony, to enable residents who have been found eligible to voluntarily shift to the relocated sites, and to enable those who have been found ineligible to file their appeals. The case is listed for its next hearing on 16 November. Choudhary told me that the DDA had refused to provide any information to the residents about the procedure that they have followed for the relocation, and that it was yet to make a formal submission in court as well. “Residents are unaware to this day about what is being done,” He said. “Several residents have their names on multiple lists, while others don’t appear in any lists.” Even among those who had been allotted alternative housing in Anand Parbat or Narela, there were divided opinions about the demolitions. As I found my way down one of many heaps of debris that now characterised Kathputli, I met Mohammed Asgar, a 60-year-old resident of the colony, who had broken his arm while searching through a pile of rubble that, a few days earlier, was his home. “We are gathering our things and we intend on going to Anand Parbat by the end of the day,” he said, in a defeated manner. Asgar had been a resident of the colony for 22 years, and was married. He and his wife have six children. Seated beside him were his eldest daughter Shaheen, a domestic worker, and his son Shehzad, who drives an e-rickshaw. I asked them whether they were hopeful about being allotted a house here once the reconstruction took place. Shehzad said, “All we know is that there is no point in thinking about that now.” On the other hand, there were those that appeared more optimistic about the rehabilitation. Vinod Bhat, who had been a resident of the colony for 32 years, was commonly referred to by the residents of the colony as “the DDA’s man.” “For anyone to know what the future of the colony will be, we have to stop staying here, and accept the process,” Bhat told me. He added, “There is no point in being stubborn about moving from the colony when 80 percent of the houses are demolished.” According to Bhat, “the romanticization of the colony as an area for artists did not make sense.” He said that people who took objection to the redevelopment of the area into high rise buildings had been “manipulated by NGOs whose careers depend on us continuing to live in poverty.” Several residents of the colony appeared to harbour distrust towards the NGOs and civil society that had approached them in wake of the demolition. Shaheen told me that “everyone who comes here pretending to help us is only interested in speaking to the artists in the colony.” She added, “The groups that are close to the DDA are members of the Bhat Samaj”—the community of artists. “Even the groups close to the NGOs, which are supposedly here to help us, are a part of the Bhat Samaj.” When I had started speaking to Haribhau and his daughter Bhumika, she had interrupted me, and asked, “Are you a DU student?” She continued, “Are you also here to take pictures and use us for a project and then never come back? Are you here to make fools of us?” A group of women who had gathered outside a DDA office near the colony, holding placards, were similarly suspicious and refused to let me take any photos. “We do not want to talk to anymore of you NGO representatives, we have done a lot of that,” one of the women said, and politely requested me to leave. Bhumika told me that the lack of clarity about the rehabilitation policy among the residents had contributed to the prevailing tension in the colony. As a result, she added, the residents have mostly been spectators in a series of inconveniences that they have had to endure since 2009. “Truth be told, many members of the Marathi Samaj that used to live here began to save money and go live as rent payers in other areas,” Bhumika continued. “That is probably the most sensible thing to do.” Both Bhumika and Haribhau said that they did not want to go to the transit camp in Anand Parbat yet. “Since the more recent demolition we have heard that there has been a lot of overcrowding there, we would rather live in a tent here,” Haribhau said. Several residents at the transit camp confirmed Haribhau’s fears—many said that the families that had moved to the camps after the demolitions were being made to stay in cramped and small spaces, with nearly eight people to a room. I visited the transit camp at Anand Parbat—as the residents had described, it was visibly more crowded than the colony. The first person I met was Noushad Begum, a 42-year-old woman, who said that she had been staying in the camp without having been allotted a temporary house. “The people from the DDA have excluded me from the list because they said that my voter ID card was not recognised,” she said. Shyamlal Hattagade and his wife Shanti, too, told me that they were not being allotted the alternate housing as per cut-off dates of their rehabilitation policy. Shyamlal took me to the shanty where they were staying, and showed me a receipt from the DDA, which listed the documents he had submitted as his proof of residence. These included his voter ID card, which is also the document mentioned in the DDA’s list of residents to be shifted to Narela. However, the list notes that Shyamlal’s document is dated “15.07.2010,” which would fall within the cut-off date for in-situ rehabilitation. “I have the pertinent documents, but I am being told that I will be moved to Narela from here in the next few days,” he said. Arjun Manik, another resident of the transit camp and a member of the Marathi Samaj, who has been living at the camp since 2012, told me that the days following the demolition had been terrible. According to him, people who had moved to the camp earlier were feeling left out of the conversation on Kathputli’s redevelopment. I asked him whether his house in the transit camp was an improvement from that in the colony. “No, not really,” he said. “But maybe now that the others are coming here, we may actually get the houses we were promised a while back.” Kedar Nagarajan is a web reporter at The Caravan . More From This Section

How the Ganga Is Contributing to Increasing Antibiotic Resistance Worldwide

Tuesday, November 14 2017

How the Ganga Is Contributing to Increasing Antibiotic Resistance Worldwide

By Victor Mallet | 14 November 2017 Previous Next Print | E-mail | Single Page In his book River of Life, River of Death: The Ganges and India’s Future , Victor Mallet traces the journey of the river from source to mouth. Mallet, the former South Asia bureau chief for the Financial Times , writes in the book that “Indians are killing the Ganges with pollution, and that the polluted Ganges, in turn, is killing Indians.” The book includes chapters on the history of the Ganga, the distressing fate of the river in Varanasi, the extent of the toxicity of its waters, as well as its significance in the country’s water crisis. In the following extract from the book, Mallet describes the Ganga as a “Superbug river”—host to bacterial genes that expose the water’s users to infectious diseases that are resistant to modern antibiotics. The journalist discusses the role the Ganga and its tributary Yamuna play in the spread of blaNDM-1—a bacterial gene that codes for a protein called NDM-1, or New Delhi metallo-beta-lactamase, and whose presence can make the carrier highly resistant to antibiotics. Mallet writes that the spread of the gene is a political issue that is closely connected to the Ganga’s state, its sacred position among Hindus, and to India’s sanitation problem. Vipin Vashishtha, a paediatrician in Bijnor, a town in Uttar Pradesh on the Ganges, described his horror when babies starting dying in his hospital in 2009 because bacterial acquisition of blaNDM-1 had made infections resistant to antibiotics. “What I found out was that there is a deadly epidemic going on. And very few of us have any clue … The bacteria in our water, sewage, soil, even the bacteria within us—they are all immune to nearly all antibiotics.” But what might a patient’s death from a superbug infection in a hospital in New York or London have to do with India, let alone the Ganges—particularly if the victim has never travelled to south Asia? The answer is that the NDM genes that make bacteria highly drug-resistant are being spread across the country in humans and other animals, and through sewers, streams, and rivers, and are ultimately transported onward in people’s guts to every part of the world. This is a politically sensitive matter, of course. Some Indian officials and doctors were furious with The Lancet for naming the new NDM gene in 2010 after New Delhi, the Indian capital, and the origins of this particular part of the drug-resistance problem are less important now that such genes have spread around the world. But both Indian and international scientists accept that South Asia has been one epicentre of the crisis and agree that India (soon to overtake China as the world’s most populous nation) urgently needs to improve hygiene and build toilets and effective sewage treatment plants. It also needs to curb the misuse and overuse of antibiotics that accelerate the evolution of drug-resistant strains of bacteria. Of all the academic papers on antibiotic resistance that I examined, the most arresting on the subject of the Ganges was written by scientists based in India and the UK and carried the less than catchy title: “Increased waterborne blaNDM-1 resistance gene abundances associated with seasonal human pilgrimages to the upper Ganges River.” It confirms that NDM-1 genes are found in the Yamuna River, a Ganges tributary that runs through Delhi, and in the main stream of the Ganges River. It also shows that high levels of the gene are associated with high levels of faecal coliform bacteria and therefore with the flow of human waste into rivers. More significantly, the samples demonstrate that the (relatively) pristine reaches of the upper Ganges near Haridwar suffer surges of bacterial pollution and, in turn, blaNDM-1 pollution during visits by thousands of urban Indians during the May–June pilgrimage season. Devout Hindus, in other words, are unwittingly spreading diseases, and antibiotic resistance to diseases, in the very river to which they have come to pay homage. The Ganges is a much-abused river at least in part because Hindus are reluctant to believe its holy waters can be sullied. Even foreign visitors are inclined to assume, wrongly, that the water of the upper Ganges is safe. The Ganges–Yamuna paper blames increased exposure to NDM-1 in the upper Ganges partly on the fact that pilgrims presume water quality to be good and fail to consider the impact of their own mass visits. Its data suggest that the average visiting pilgrim, because he or she is likely to come from Indian cities where NDM genes are more prevalent, harbours well over twenty times as many NDM-1 genes as local residents. “As such, pilgrimage areas may act as ‘hot spots’ for the broader transmission of blaNDM-1 and other ARG [antibiotic resistant genes], especially considering bathing and water consumption occur in Ganges waters and exposed visitors return home after their visit to the region,” it concludes. This prompted me to call David Graham, one of the co-authors of the paper and the man who then informed me that both he and I were likely to have NDM-1 genes in our guts. Graham told me he had worked for more than 15 years on the effects of trace contaminants in the environment. Studying almost anything in river water is complicated nowadays because humans pour in so many different types of pollutants that it is hard to find out precisely which ingredient is affecting what and how. “Big rivers are different than little streams. It’s very, very difficult to explicitly—with no ambiguity—show cause and effect,” says Graham. “We could have gone [downstream] to Varanasi and come up with a sensational paper that was really very, very scary.” Instead, intrigued by the prevalence of antibiotic resistance in India and Pakistan, and inspired by the suggestions of Ziauddin Shaikh from India, who was then one of his post-doctoral researchers, Graham started studying the Haridwar pilgrimage sites on the Ganges in 2012. Graham and Shaikh have been sampling the river twice a year since then. “The political implications of this are very substantial,” says Graham. “They’ve got to stop open defecation. If they are seeing anything like this at other places along the Ganges, they have got to stop it … In some places within India I think things are maybe hopeless. But if we can create beacons of hope along the river, that will create some social momentum.” Shaikh became an assistant professor at the department of biochemical engineering and biotechnology at the Indian Institute of Technology in Delhi, one of the country’s elite academic institutions. “We have to increase the number of treatment plants and improve the operation of existing treatment plants,” he said. After three years of Ganges sampling, “we can see the signature pattern for antibiotic resistance genes and how they are getting stored in the environment … In Rishikesh and Haridwar it’s showing an increase in trend.” TR Sreekrishnan, the head of the department and another co-author of the study, said: “The only route it can enter the water is through faecal contamination … If you do not properly treat the waste before it’s discharged into the rivers you are not only contaminating the water, you are also assisting the proliferation of antibiotic resistance.” The global spread of NDM-1 since its discovery less than a decade ago has been startlingly quick. The first-known human carrier of the gene was a 59-year-old diabetic Swedish hospital patient of Indian origin who caught a urinary tract infection on a trip to India in 2009. He had been treated in Ludhiana and Delhi for an abscess on his buttocks and underwent surgery. As described in The Lancet , the infection was caused by a strain of the Klebsiella pneumoniae bacterium that was resistant to antibiotics because of the presence of a previously unknown bacterial gene that codes for NDM-1. The suggestion that Indian hospitals—a cheap destination for medical tourists from around the world—were the source of the problem prompted a predictably angry reaction at the time from some Indian doctors and government officials. A few even suggested a Western conspiracy to undermine the Indian economy. “We feel this is economically motivated,” said Dr Raman Sardana, secretary of the Hospital Infection Society India. Yet hospitals, with their combination of sick people and multiple drug regimes, are known to be ideal breeding grounds for the accelerated evolution of pathogens. A hospital in Delhi conducted a study in 2010 and found 22 patients carrying bacteria with NDM-1 genes in three months; others were soon identified elsewhere in India and in Pakistan. India’s poor sanitation and the abuse of antibiotics (drugs can easily be obtained without a doctor’s prescription and patients frequently fail to complete a course of medicine, encouraging the survival and proliferation of resistant strains of disease) only deepen the crisis. The two problems together “make India a perfect system for the spread of antibiotic resistance,” says David Livermore, professor of medical microbiology at the University of East Anglia in the UK. “India and Pakistan are the first countries where this kind of resistance has got real traction.” Ramanan Laxminarayan of the Public Health Foundation of India, an expert on the topic, said India had a “perfect storm” to produce highly pathogenic strains of bacteria, in the form of a “large pharmaceutical industry, high background rates of infectious diseases, and an affluent population that can afford antibiotics.” Tim Walsh of Cardiff University, another microbiology professor who co-authored the report in The Lancet , says India’s political and medical establishment is in denial about the scale of the problem, despite some good research in the country. One reason, he suggests, is that Indian hospitals do not want to put off patients from abroad: more than three million “medical tourists” visit the country each year. Walsh says he has not been welcome in India since heled the 2010 study. Bacterial infections resistant to most antibiotics because of the NDM-1 gene are now found in hospitals all over the world. The victims include those who have travelled to India for cosmetic surgery, US soldiers who fought in Afghanistan, and returning holidaymakers. The main “reservoirs” of bacteria with NDM-1 nevertheless remain in the Indian subcontinent, the Middle East, and the Balkans. In 2011, Walsh and others published another study in The Lancet . They found bacteria containing the NDM-1 gene in nearly a third of the surface water samples they tested in New Delhi, and even in two of the fifty drinking-water samples. The gene, furthermore, was found in 11 species of bacteria where it had not been previously reported, including Shigella boydii and Vibrio cholerae, which can cause dysentery and cholera respectively. The point, now well established, is that even if blaNDM-1 was originally selected and detected in the ideal conditions of a hospital, it is now widespread in the environment, including in Indian rivers such as the Ganges. This is an extract from River of Life, River of Death: The Ganges and India’s Future by Victor Mallet, published by Oxford University Press. The extract has been condensed. Victor Mallet is the former South Asia bureau chief of the Financial Times . More From This Section

Rebecca Solnit: Let This Flood of Women’s Stories Never Cease

Tuesday, November 14 2017

Rebecca Solnit: Let This Flood of Women’s Stories Never Cease

Click to share on LinkedIn (Opens in new window) There’s a problem with the way feminism moves forward in reaction to breaking news stories. It brings focus to a single predator, a single incident, and people who haven’t faced the pervasiveness of misogyny can build stories around it about why this was the exception, not the rule. That Harvey Weinstein was typical of liberals or Hollywood, or Roy Moore and Bill O’Reilly were typical of conservatives, that this mass killer with a domestic violence background was typical of veterans or loners or was mentally ill, that case after case is a glitch in the pattern of society, not the pattern itself. But these are the norms, not the abberations. This is a society still permeated and shaped and limited by misogyny, among other afflictions. Obviously—as we keep having to reassure them, because when we’re talking about our survival we’re supposed to still worry about men feeling comfortable—not all men, but enough to impact virtually all women. And in another way all men, because we’re all warped by living in such a society, and because as Kevin Spacey’s case demonstrates, though men are nearly always the perpetrators, other men and boys are sometimes the victims. Being groomed to be a predator dehumanizes you, as does being groomed to be prey. We need a de-normalization of all that so we can rehumanize ourselves. Women spend their lives negotiating survival and bodily integrity and humanity in the home, on the streets, in workplaces, at parties, and now on the internet. The torrent of stories that has poured forth since the New Yorker and New York Times broke the long-suppressed stories about Weinstein tell us so. They tell us so in the news about famous women at the hands of famous men, in social media about the experiences of not-so-famous women and the endless hordes of abusers out there, whether we’re talking rape, molestation, workplace harassment, or domestic violence. This seems to be what’s produced the shock in a lot of what we are supposed to call good men, men who assure us they had no part in this. But ignorance is one form of tolerance, whether it’s pretending we’re in a colorblind society or one in which misogyny is some quaint old thing we’ve gotten over. It’s not doing the work to know how the people around you live, or die, and why. It’s ignoring or forgetting that we had this kind of story explosion before, in the 1980s, with Anita Hill’s testimony in 1991, after the Steubenville gang rape and New Delhi rape-torture-murder in late 2012, and the Isla Vista mass shooting in 2014. One sentence I come back to again and again is James Baldwin’s: “It is the innocence that constitutes the crime.” He’s talking about white people in the early 1960s ignoring the violence and destructiveness of racism, their opting out of seeing it. Article continues after advertisement You can say the same about men who have not bothered to see what is all around us: a country in which a woman is beaten every 11 seconds, in which as the New England Journal of Medicine put it, “domestic violence is the most common cause of nonfatal injury to women in the United States,” and male partners and former partners were responsible for a third of all murders of women in the US, in which there are hundreds of thousands of rapes a year and only about 2 percent of rapists do time for their crimes. A world in which Bill Cosby wielded a power that could silence more than 60 women and let his crime spree go unchecked for half a century, in which Weinstein assaulted and harassed more than 109 women who, for the most part, had no recourse until something in the system broke, or changed. A world in which Twitter temporarily shut down Rose McGowan’s account for a tweet related to Weinstein that allegedly contained a phone number, but did nothing when alt-right pundit Jack Posobiec tweeted out the workplace address of the woman who reported Moore sexually exploited her when she was 14, as it has done nothing about so many campaigns of threat against outspoken women. Because here’s a thing you might have forgotten about women being menaced or assaulted or beaten or raped: we think we might be murdered before it’s over. I have. And because there’s often a second layer of threat “if you tell.” From your assailant, or from the people who don’t want to hear about what he did and what you need. Patriarchy kills off stories and women to maintain its power. If you’re a woman, this stuff shapes you; it scars you, it tells you you are worthless, no one, voiceless, that this is not a world in which you are safe or equal or free. That your life is something someone else may steal from you, even a complete stranger, just because you’re a woman. And that society will look the other way most of the time, or blame you, this society that is itself a system of punishment for being a woman. Silence over these things is its default setting, the silence feminism has been striving to break, and is breaking. Each individual action may be driven by an individual man’s hate or entitlement or both, but those actions are not isolated. Their cumulative effect is to diminish the space in which women move and speak, our access to power in public, private, and professional spheres. Many men may not have perpetrated it directly, but as some have finally discussed, they benefitted from it; it knocked out some of their competition, it dug a Mariana Trench through the playing fields we’re always being told are level. Diana Nyad, the world-famous swimmer who has just revealed that starting when she was 14 her Olympic-champion swim coach began sexually assaulting her, talks about the harm she suffered, the way that it changed who she was, diminished her well-being. She says, “I might have defied ruin, but my young life changed dramatically that day. For me, being silenced was a punishment equal to the molestation.” This story: it could be that of dozens of women I know, hundreds or thousands whose stories I’ve heard. We treat the physical assault and the silencing after as two separate things, but they are the same, both bent on annihilation. Domestic violence and rape are acts that say the victim has no rights, not to self-determination or bodily integrity or dignity; that is a brutal way to be made voiceless, to have no say in your life and fate. Then to not be believed or to be humiliated or punished or pushed out of your community or your family—or in the case of Rose McGowan after Harvey Weinstein allegedly raped her, followed by spies intent on containing your voice and undermining your truth—is to be treated the same way over again. Ronan Farrow just exposed the network of spies employed to keep her silent; fellow New Yorker writer Emily Nussbaum noted, “if Rose McGowan had told the story of the Mossad spies earlier, everyone would have simply assumed she was nuts.” Because we tell stories about what’s normal, or we’re told them, and this level of malevolence from our prominent men is not supposed to be normal, even when we have so many stories confirming that it is. So many women who told stories about men trying to harm them were treated as crazy or as malicious liars, because it’s easier to throw a woman under the bus than a culture. The bus rolls forward on a red carpet of women. Trump gets out of the bus and brags about getting away with grabbing women by the pussy and gets elected president less than a month later. He puts in place an administration that starts clearcutting women’s rights, including the rights of victims of sexual assault. Fox renewed Bill O’Reilly’s contract after he settled a sexual harassment claim for 32 million dollars, a payment for silence from the victim that included destroying all the emails that documented what he had done to her. The Weinstein film company kept paying off victims, and the settlements purchased the victims’ silence. Fellow straight men in comedy apparently formed a protective wall of silence around Louis CK, making it clear that the man who kept jerking off at unwilling, non-consenting, appalled women was more valuable than those women were and would remain more audible than them. Until something broke; until journalists went fishing for the stories that had been hidden in plain sight. And the stories poured forth: about publishers, restaurateurs, directors, famous writers, famous artists, famous political organizers. We know these stories. We know how the victim in the 2012 Steubenville rape was harassed and threatened for reporting a rape by her high school peers. Four adults in the school district were indicted for obstructing justice by covering up the crimes. The message was clear: boys matter more than girls. One 2003 investigation reported that 75 percent of women who report workplace sexual harassment faced retaliation. What would women’s lives be like, what would our roles and accomplishments be, what would our world be, without this terrible punishment that looms over our daily lives? It would surely rearrange who holds power, and how we think of power, which is to say that everyone’s life might be different. We would be a different society. We have shifted a little over the past 150 years or so, but since the Civil War, black people have still been held back, since women got the vote 77 years ago, women of all colors have still been kept out, and of course black women got it both ways. Who would we be if our epics and myths, our directors and media moguls, our presidents, congressmen, chief executive officers, billionaires were not so often white and male? For the men now being exposed controlled the stories—often literally as radio executives, film directors, heads of university departments. These stories are doors we walk through or doors that slam in our faces. It is to the credit of Diana Nyad that, despite having a rapist as a coach, she became a great swimmer, to the credit of those Olympic gymnasts on the US team that they won gold medals despite having a molester for their doctor (more than 100 women have accused him to date). But who might they have been, in their personal lives as well as their professional achievements, without such harm being inflicted upon them by men who wished to harm them, who regarded harming them as their right and their pleasure? Who might we all have been if our society didn’t just normalize but celebrate this punishment and the men who inflict it? Who have we lost to this violence before we ever knew them, before they ever made their mark on the world? Half a century after the fact, Tippi Hedren told how Alfred Hitchcock sexually assaulted and harassed her off-camera and punished her on-camera and then told her, “his face red with rage,” if she continued rejecting his advances, “I’ll ruin your career.” Hitchcock, whose desire to punish beautiful women drives many of his films, did his best to do so, even blocking an Oscar nomination for her starring role in his 1964 film Marnie . These famous people are not the exceptions, but the examples, the public figures we know playing out the dramas that are happening in schools and offices and churches and political campaigns and families too. We live in a world where uncountable numbers of women have had their creative and professional capacity undermined by trauma and threat, by devaluation and exclusion. A world in which women were equally free and encouraged to contribute, in which we lived without this pervasive fear, might be unimaginably different. In the same way, a United States in which people of color did not have their votes increasingly suppressed, in which they did not also face violence and exclusion and denigration, might not just have different outcomes in its recent elections but different candidates and issues. The whole fabric of society would be something else. It should be. Because that is what justice would look like, and peace, or at least the foundation on which they could be built. Rebecca Traister and others have made the important point that we should not mourn the end of the creative lives of the men being outed as predators; we should contemplate the creative contributions we never had, will never know, because their creators were crushed or shut out. When Trump was elected we were told not to normalize authoritarianism and lies, but the losses due to misogyny and racism have been normalized forever. The task has been to de-normalize them and break the silence they impose. To make a society in which everyone’s story gets told. This too is a war about stories.

Raptors Rundown E2 - Ting goes skrra, presented by Coors Light - YouTube

Tuesday, November 14 2017

Raptors Rundown E2 - Ting goes skrra, presented by Coors Light - YouTube

The interactive transcript could not be loaded. Loading... Rating is available when the video has been rented. This feature is not available right now. Please try again later. Published on Nov 13, 2017 Checking in on the boys in Sauga City as they complete their media day as they're looking to go back-to-back. A new year means new player designed hats but this year we're changing it up a bit. Also, the Coors seats are back, Kat has the deets on how you can win. Category

Raptors Practice: O.G. Anunoby - November 13, 2017 - YouTube

Tuesday, November 14 2017

Raptors Practice: O.G. Anunoby - November 13, 2017 - YouTube

The interactive transcript could not be loaded. Loading... Rating is available when the video has been rented. This feature is not available right now. Please try again later. Published on Nov 13, 2017 O.G. Anunoby meets with the media after Monday's practice. Category

Raptors Practice: C. J. Miles - November 13, 2017 - YouTube

Tuesday, November 14 2017

Raptors Practice: C. J. Miles - November 13, 2017 - YouTube

The interactive transcript could not be loaded. Loading... Rating is available when the video has been rented. This feature is not available right now. Please try again later. Published on Nov 13, 2017 C. J. Miles meets with the media following Monday's practice. Category

Raptors Practice: Dwane Casey - November 13, 2017 - YouTube

Tuesday, November 14 2017

Raptors Practice: Dwane Casey - November 13, 2017 - YouTube

The interactive transcript could not be loaded. Loading... Rating is available when the video has been rented. This feature is not available right now. Please try again later. Published on Nov 13, 2017 Coach Dwane Casey meets with the media following Monday's practice. Category

Raptors Practice: Norman Powell - November 13, 2017 - YouTube

Tuesday, November 14 2017

Raptors Practice: Norman Powell - November 13, 2017 - YouTube

The interactive transcript could not be loaded. Loading... Rating is available when the video has been rented. This feature is not available right now. Please try again later. Published on Nov 13, 2017 Norman Powell meets with members of the media following Monday's practice. Category