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Raptors Practice: Kyle Lowry - November 6, 2017 - YouTube

Tuesday, November 7 2017

Raptors Practice: Kyle Lowry - November 6, 2017 - YouTube

The interactive transcript could not be loaded. Loading... Rating is available when the video has been rented. This feature is not available right now. Please try again later. Published on Nov 6, 2017 Kyle Lowry meets with members of the media following Monday's practice at BioSteel Centre. Category

Book Review: Autopilot: The Art & Science of Doing Nothing by Andrew Smart

Tuesday, November 7 2017

Book Review: Autopilot: The Art & Science of Doing Nothing by Andrew Smart

Price: Rs. 299/- ( I got the book for review from the publishe r ) Behind the Book "Andrew Smart wants you to sit and do nothing much more often – and he has the science to explain why. At every turn we’re pushed to do more, faster and more efficiently: that drumbeat resounds throughout our wage-slave society. Multitasking is not only a virtue, it’s a necessity. Books such as Getting Things Done, The One Minute Manager, and The 7 Habits of Highly Effective People regularly top the bestseller lists, and have spawned a considerable industry. But Andrew Smart argues that slackers may have the last laugh. The latest neuroscience shows that the “culture of effectiveness” is not only ineffective, it can be harmful to your well-being. He makes a compelling case – backed by science – that filling life with activity at work and at home actually hurts your brain. A survivor of corporate-mandated “Six Sigma” training to improve efficiency, Smart has channeled a self-described “loathing” of the time-management industry into a witty, informative and wide-ranging book that draws on the most recent research into brain power. Use it to explain to bosses, family, and friends why you need to relax – right now." About the Author A human factors research scientist, Andrew Smart received B.S. and M.S. degrees from Lund University in Sweden, where he worked on using noise to improve memory and attention in children with ADHD. While at New York University, he analysed brain imaging data from experiments on the neural basis of language. Autopilot is his first book. I was diagnosed with an auto-immune disorder early 2014. Since then I have been struggling to decipher the art and science of doing nothing. Because I was used to a hyperactive lifestyle and suddenly the shift in life pattern was something I couldn't deal with for long. Fortunately I have been able to slow down my pace gradually over the passage of time but it still continues to be a struggle at times. I picked up this book thinking it would have help me understand how at times it is important to do nothing. Well for starters the book is written in a very simple language, given that the background is neuroscience I was expecting things to be complicated. But for this I would like to give the author brownie points. Simple presentation clubbed with simple language helps a reader connect with the book easily. I really enjoyed the way the author proves it scientifically how important it is to have "down time" for every human being. With such hectic lifestyles and the pressure to be updated about everything we tend to stay so busy that it becomes the normal routine. Seldom do we remember a time when we were not busy and that is scary because I went through withdrawal symptoms in allowing the adrenaline to settle down after the initial rush of having quit my 12-13 hours a day job and do practically nothing. What didnt work for me was when he brought in Six Sigma and in the last chapter talked how work is destroying the planet. No, the argument is absolutely valid but my issue is with the way it has been closed. It looked a bit hurried up without much detailed explanation.I think there is much more that the author could have talked about on this topic and perhaps he will, maybe in his next book. But keeping this portion at the end of the book looked like giving the book an abrupt end, without a proper conclusion. However, having said all of the above, I would recommend this book to all millennials because this is an interesting read, one that could open a lot of debates. Also, for people like me, this book seems like a comfort factor where the Universe is telling you that its okay to not be in a race all the time. Foodie Verdict This book is like Pithla - looks simple yet is one that can tickle your taste buds like none other!

How RK Pachauri Systematically Harassed Women at TERI

Tuesday, November 7 2017

How RK Pachauri Systematically Harassed Women at TERI

By NIKITA SAXENA | 7 November 2017 Previous Next Print | E-mail | Single Page For her July 2016 cover story, “ Hostile Climate ,” Nikita Saxena, the web editor at The Caravan , investigated the allegations of sexual harassment against RK Pachauri, the former director general of The Energy and Resources Institute, or TERI. Saxena’s reporting suggested that Pachauri had, for years, been systematically harassing women employed at TERI. In the following excerpt from the story, she details the various accounts she heard from present and former women employees of the institute. Saxena’s reporting also uncovered how TERI fostered a tacit acceptance of Pachauri’s conduct, often making it hard for his employees to even recognise his actions as sexual harassment. The research associate who joined TERI when she was 22 years old was thrilled when she was offered a job there. She was determined to prove herself capable beyond the role she had taken up. “As it is, I am very ambitious,” she told me, almost apologetically. “I would say that I would like to do so much more.” Right away, Pachauri seemed impressed with her. “He would really go out of the way to make you feel special when you joined,” she said. Although she did not report to him directly, she “was absolutely enamoured by the fact that I would be working with someone who had an international stature and larger-than-life figure.” Similarly, all the other eight women I spoke to who alleged that Pachauri had harassed them told me that, during their initial interactions with him, he constantly reiterated that they were talented, valuable professionals. “Each time he takes an interest in you,” a former woman research associate at TERI told me, “he does it through your work. So, it’s not about your physical appearance. It doesn’t feel like it’s because you are a woman.” The former woman research associate had first met Pachauri at a public function in another city. After an encouraging conversation with him, she sent him her resume, and he invited her to Delhi for a TERI event. Soon after, he offered her a job with one of TERI’s divisions. When she joined, he made it a point to tell her immediate boss that she had international exposure, and would be an asset to the organisation. “You feel good about all this,” she told me. “You think that somebody is acknowledging me and giving me value. You feel very pepped up to work.” She continued, “He would text you from international waters, saying, ‘I hope work is going fine.’ And you’re thinking, ‘What a boss, yaar .’” Though Pachauri would make it a point to regularly meet these women in his office, they gradually realised that, once they settled into the organisation, he almost never came around to talking about their work. The research associate who was 22 when she joined TERI recounted that he often left notes on her desk, asking her to meet him in his office. She would go, hopeful that they would discuss the additional responsibilities she had expressed an interest in taking on. “But there wouldn’t be any substance to his discussions,” she told me. “He would just say, ‘We will discuss it someday over drinks.’” The former researcher from the DGO said that he peppered their initial interactions with anecdotes about his travels and his personal life. He would also ask about her social circle and personal interests. She was perplexed, but not alarmed. She assumed that the slight discomfort she felt was not because his behaviour was inappropriate, but because she was not used to figures of authority who were so easily accessible. Once Pachauri had established a certain regularity of interaction with these women, they recounted that he would begin treading more treacherous ground. It would start, these women said, with innuendo and casually sexist comments. “He would crack a lot of non-veg jokes all the time,” the former researcher from the DGO said. “He would say these things to normalise you to such conversation.” Once, Pachauri messaged her while she was on a holiday with her friends. She responded saying that she was inebriated, and would speak to him later. She said that he replied: “Oh, it’s an orgy out there.” The former woman research associate added that Pachauri’s jokes drew on “humour which is a little inappropriate given the employee-boss relationship.” But “it is funny,” she said, because he is a charismatic person. “You will end up laughing, and you will think, ‘He is a chilled-out guy.’” Pachauri cultivated this image so effortlessly that women would second-guess themselves before they articulated, or even acknowledged, that they were uneasy with his behaviour. “He was very friendly and he was never like a boss,” the first woman to release a public letter told me. “He tried to demolish that hierarchy, which I was constantly very aware of.” She said that he repeatedly attempted to give her the impression that, “We are on the same ground, we are buddies.” Pachauri would attempt to deepen this familiarity in a variety of ways. Four out of the nine women I spoke to recalled his peculiar insistence on being introduced to their families. The information analyst was taken aback when Pachauri’s queries about her parents were followed by the suggestion that he should “meet them someday.” She said, “I would think, ‘No. I work for you. This is not a parent-teachers meeting. Why would I want you to meet my parents?’” The former woman research associate was equally stumped by Pachauri’s repeated requests to take her parents to his farmhouse in Gurgaon. He called her father and told him that it would be an honour to meet the parents of such a wonderful woman. Her father entertained Pachauri over the phone, but once the call was over, he looked at his daughter and said, “ Samajh mein nahi aaya ”—I don’t understand. In retrospect, the former research associate said, she thought this was a tactic to ensure that women would hesitate to approach their families with any concerns. “He does these things,” she told me, “to figure out the strength of the family, to see how susceptible they will be to his charm.” That way, she added, if a woman did want to talk about her discomfort with Pachauri, her family, having interacted with him, might “advise her to give him the benefit of doubt.” I asked Pachauri about this, telling him that the women I spoke to felt that he was crossing professional boundaries with these requests. “I treat TERI like a family,” he replied. He told me that he had given “instructions to everybody in TERI that if their children come to work on weekends, they must come and see me, and I give them chocolates. Now if I can give the children chocolates, what’s wrong with my meeting parents? I don’t see anything inappropriate or insulting in doing that.” Many of the people I spoke to said that Pachauri would often give women nicknames, and then insist on using them, even after they had expressed discomfort with them. A former TERI employee, who briefly worked with the DGO, recalled that Pachauri called one woman GOLF—Girl of Little Faith—and another Little Mermaid. The first woman who wrote a public letter noted in it that, soon after she joined TERI, Pachauri gave her a “sexually suggestive nickname,” which she did not reveal. A former TERI employee who went on to join a public-sector undertaking recalled that, in the early years of the institute, Pachauri was in the habit of referring to a woman employee whose last name was Kaul as “Kaul girl.” Pachauri also sent female employees poems. In one case, the former researcher from the DGO told me, two women realised that they had been sent the same poem, with a convenient alteration to the section of it that contained their names. Though many women felt uncomfortable with Pachauri’s behaviour, they refrained from speaking out because they saw that other employees did not seem surprised when he made offensive, sexual comments in public. The staff would brush it off by saying things like, “He is like that only, just ignore him,” the woman who is part of the management team at TERI told me. The former research associate who was 22 years old when she joined the organisation told me that Pachauri once stopped by her desk to ask her for an update on her projects. After her colleague and she summarised the progress they had made, she recounted, he said, “Well, make sure you reach your financial targets or I’ll auction the two of you and make for the deficit.” On another occasion, as a group picture was being taken in the office, the photographer asked her to move in closer to the director general. Pachauri, she told me, turned to her and quipped, “What happened? Come close, I am not going to bite you. I might do other things to you, but I will not bite you.” The woman cringed, but “everyone laughed as though it wasn’t demeaning,” she told me. “The idea was that he didn’t intentionally say anything. He was being very jovial. And when he is being jovial he can say anything to you.” Eight of the nine women I spoke to told me that Pachauri’s unwelcome displays of affection extended into their private meetings with him. It was customary for him to sweep a woman into an embrace when she was either entering or leaving his office. The woman who worked with TERI Press told me, “While you are conversing across the table, your defence is in the control. But when you are leaving, he would get up and walk you up to the door. That is when he tries to get physical.” Exchanging hugs as a form of salutation is not uncommon, but the fervour with which Pachauri held the women made them feel violated. The former researcher from the DGO told me, “When he hugs, he tries to hug you really tight and then he loosens the grip just enough so he has you at face level. It’s just something you have to deal with by pushing him away.” The former information analyst said that he would “envelop you in this bear hug, squeeze your boobs, and my hands would be flailing outside in a silent protest, saying I am not responding to this, and then I would push him.” She decided to make it a point to sit down across from Pachauri as soon as she entered his office. But when she tried this, she recounted, he said, “What is this? Get up, give me a hug!” The woman who worked with TERI Press said that, occasionally, Pachauri would “try to put his hand on my back and try to feel my bra strap.” The information analyst recounted that, during one meeting, she had decided that she would simply not allow Pachauri to hug her. She said that as he approached her for his customary embrace, she crossed her arms in front of her. Pachauri, she said, pried her arms open and drew her in. “That was the moment which stuck in my head,” she said. “That was the moment in which I got uncomfortable. But it wasn’t just that. It was a lot more than that. It was the sense of shame that I had that this had happened to me.” Over time, these women said, the frequency and duration of their interactions in Pachauri’s office would increase. The conversations would become more overtly personal, with Pachauri commenting on their appearances, and their sexual and personal lives, and encouraging them to meet him outside the office. In some cases, they said, he would also grow bolder with his physical advances. The first woman to release a public letter told me that Pachauri once called her to his office at 8 am, citing a pressing project on which he needed her assistance. There were no other employees on his floor at that hour. Pachauri asked her to sit on his desk so that she could work on the document he had prepared. When she did, he stood behind her. Then, he told her she looked beautiful with wet hair. In another instance, she said, he held her and kissed her on the face just before she left his office. The former research associate had married at a young age and was divorced by the time she joined the institute. Pachauri, she told me, would often bring up her marital history, offering his sympathy and unsolicited advice. During one of these exchanges, she said, he asked her why she had not remarried. She told him that she was not inclined to. “Don’t tell me a woman like you hasn’t slept around after your divorce,” she told me he replied. “The first time, I just laughed, wondering if he actually said that to me,” she recalled. “I was flabbergasted, because he would say it in a concerned tone, like a dad would say these things.” Some women told me they faced professional setbacks after trying to distance themselves from Pachauri. The former research associate who had joined the organisation when she was 22 years old recounted that, after she repeatedly tried to discuss work with him only to be met with invitations to drinks, she rebuffed him. “I don’t think we have anything to discuss,” she remembered telling him. “Because I will not drink and you will not discuss anything of importance with me until I drink. So, I better go.” She told me that she felt the repercussions of this confrontation immediately. Pachauri discouraged her division’s director, a senior woman employee, from including her in projects, arguing that she did not add any value to the work she was assigned. Her boss, who was impressed with the former research associate’s work, would defend her. The former research associate recounted her superior repeatedly saying, “I don’t understand what his problem with you is.” When her probationary period of six months was over, the former research associate secured a permanent position at TERI with her boss’s support. But she would still have “sleepless nights” before any meetings with Pachauri. “I did not have the luxury of getting by with any mistake,” she told me. “The smallest of mistakes, he would spot them and highlight it and send it back to me. He may have ignored it if it was others, but nothing got ignored for me.” The former woman research associate recounted a sequence of events that indicated how Pachauri could react when women challenged him. After calling her to his office one day, she said, Pachauri made a sexually suggestive remark. She responded by saying that such behaviour did not befit a person of his age. He responded, “A man is only as old as the woman he dates.” Then, to her horror, he picked her up and strode across the room. She recounted that she forced him to let her down and told Pachauri, “As a woman, for me, all I have is my respect.” If anyone else in the organisation were to spot them, she added, “no one will point a finger at you, they will point a finger at me.” Frustrated by his increasingly frequent propositioning, she decided to report the matter to the senior directors at the institute. To her dismay, she said, she found that even senior women employees did not take the issue seriously. When she approached her immediate superior, a senior woman director, she was told, “ Uska khada nahi hona waise bhi, kya farak padta hai (How does it matter, he cannot get it up anyway). He’s harmless.” She was dumbstruck. “I didn’t know how to react to that,” she told me. The former woman research associate was left desperate. She hadn’t anticipated the institute’s lack of cooperation. She tried reaching out to other employees, but then realised that “all lanes lead to one person and one room.” She grew emotionally and mentally exhausted. She had spent more than six months in the institute without being assigned any noteworthy projects, and was anxious about how her stint at TERI would reflect on her resume. “You get scared,” she told me. “Because you are thinking, ‘How will I go out in the market, I have not learnt anything.’” Cornered, she decided to speak to Pachauri to ask for a role that would better suit her. To her relief, he told her that he would ensure that she was treated fairly, and would help her procure the opportunities she was being denied. But despite his assurances, she said, her situation did not improve. Pachauri initiated a project that involved several divisions at TERI, and asked the woman to be its single point of contact for coordinating between the various divisions. He called a meeting that included several directors, introduced her to them as the project head, and allocated a budget for its execution. The woman was encouraged. She told me, “You think, ‘Maybe he has assumed I am going to be a workhorse.’ You keep hoping against hope, because you’re sinking by the minute.” But when she began work on the project and reached out to the directors who had been called to the meeting, they brushed her off. One of them told her that Pachauri often launched projects to impress the women he was trying to woo, but that these ventures seldom saw the light of day. “And that director was right,” she told me. “Nothing moved.” Disheartened, she informed Pachauri that she was unable to convince any of the directors to participate. She told me he wrote them stern emails and reprimanded them for their attitude. “But he knew the director would do nothing, and the director knew that this was Pachauri’s modus operandi,” she said. She realised in retrospect that, “There is just a new kid on the block, and Pachauri is making her run around. She would go back to Pachauri defeated, and say, ‘ Nahi ho raha hai— it’s not happening.’ And Pachauri would then say, ‘No problem, you come to the DGO. I will be your immediate boss then.’” Looking back at how she was treated, the former woman research associate believes that Pachauri “very strategically tries to disempower you, so that you have self-doubt. You break down, you start crying in front of him and he gets an opportunity to put his hand on your back and say, ‘It’s all going to be okay. I didn’t mean for it to be like this.’ Just when he starts doing that, you think, ‘Maybe he will realise that I am not somebody who is going to sleep with him. Maybe he will give me work now.’ And then, the moment you go with your pen and paper, and you wipe your tears, he starts again. He is playing with your psychology till you break down.” She told me that she also attempted to secure her position within the organisation by talking to another senior woman director, telling her about the harassment and her professional stagnation. According to her, the director heard her out, and said, “No, I am sorry, you are mistaken. You are wanting in your demeanour and your official conduct.” Close to a year after this woman joined TERI, she left. Around a fortnight after she resigned, she said, Pachauri contacted her. He beseeched her to meet him, saying he would be unable to forgive himself until he apologised. He added that he would be uncomfortable meeting her at the TERI office because the employees at the institute bore her ill will. She relented, and allowed him to visit her at her house. She recounted that he arrived at 4.30 pm, carrying luggage, saying he had just disembarked from a flight. His suitcase contained bottles of alcohol, one of which he suggested opening, so that he could raise a toast to her new journey. During the course of their conversation, she said, he asked if he could kiss her. Furious, and worried that she would lash out at him, she asked him to leave. She recounted telling him, “I don’t want to talk to you. Because right now I am scared, and in my fear I might do something that you and I might both regret.’” Pachauri, she said, told her, “If you think you’re going to get away with this, you’re mistaken. I am going to finish you here and I am going to finish you anywhere you are.” This is an excerpt from “ Hostile Climate ,” Nikita Saxena’s cover story for the July 2016 issue of The Caravan . Nikita Saxena is a web editor at The Caravan . More From This Section

Untitled (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_3wZQM8KiZ8&feature=youtu.be)

Monday, November 6 2017

Untitled (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_3wZQM8KiZ8&feature=youtu.be)

The interactive transcript could not be loaded. Loading... Rating is available when the video has been rented. This feature is not available right now. Please try again later. Published on Oct 31, 2017 Subscribe! ► http://bit.ly/SubscribeFilmJoy Buy Awesome MWM Shirts! ► http://bit.ly/FilmJoySHOP The gang looks for joy in the critically panned, Stephen Norrington, adaptation of The League of Extraordinary Gentlemen!A new movie show here on FilmJoy! Join co-hosts Mikey Neumann, Zoe Wells, Elisa Melendez, and Sam Winkler as they embark on Deep Dive movie reviews of films people may have overlooked.Let us know what you think in the comments, and subscribe to help us grow!Follow Mikey on Twitter ► http://bit.ly/mikeyface Follow Thaddeus on Twitter ► http://bit.ly/_Thaddeus FilmJoy is home to numerous shows that run the gamut from wildly informational with a hint of wackiness, to wildly wacky with a hint of information. We do it all, and also something you probably weren’t expecting.Directed, Edited & Produced By:

Samantha Akkineni cooked her favourite Basa Fish for hubby Naga Chaitanya? - Tollywood News (press release) (blog)

Sunday, November 5 2017

Samantha Akkineni cooked her favourite Basa Fish for hubby Naga Chaitanya? - Tollywood News (press release) (blog)

Samantha Akkineni cooked her favourite Basa Fish for hubby Naga Chaitanya? TOLLYWOOD Samantha Akkineni cooked her favourite Basa Fish for hubby Naga Chaitanya? Tollywood | Published:November 5, 2017, 12:01 PM IST Gorgeous diva Samantha Ruth Prabhu aka Samantha Akkineni, the newly married actress whose wedding pictures were filled with nothing but loved and happiness, is busy in giving a new look to her house. Samantha Akkineni is taking a professional help from the 'Room Therapist' by Sona Reddy for the house, who is a well-known architect and interior designer in Hyderabad.Earlier Samantha said, “I am very lucky to have a boyfriend like Akkineni Naga Chaitanya, who knows cooking and so doesn't need to learn it.” But after the wedding Samantha has changed her opinion and decided to cook for her hubby Chaitu.Recently the actress cooked Basa fish for the lunch when her shooting got cancelled. She shared a series of pics and captioned it, “'didn't overcook, didn't undercook, no one died..yasss”. Sam added that she had developed a liking for cooking.According to the sources, Nagarjuna is making arrangements to hold a lavish reception. The second reception, to be held in N Convention Centre located at Madhapur, Hyderabad on 12th November. It has also come out that Samantha and Chaitanya are planning to fly out of the country for a vacation for Christmas and New Year’s Eve.On the work-side, Samantha will be next seen in Rangasthalam 1985 in which Ram Charan is playing the lead role in the direction of Sukumar. Naga Chaitanya's next movie Savyasachi will be in the direction of Chandoo Mondeti of Karthikeya fame which will go on the floors very soon.

राजकोट टी 20: कोहली ने हार के लिए बल्लेबाजों को ठहराया जिम्मेदार - Raftaar

Sunday, November 5 2017

राजकोट टी 20: कोहली ने हार के लिए बल्लेबाजों को ठहराया जिम्मेदार - Raftaar

बड़ी खबरें ​ राजकोट टी 20: कोहली ने हार के लिए बल्लेबाजों को ठहराया जिम्मेदार राजकोट। सौराष्ट्र क्रिकेट संघ स्टेडियम में खेले गए दूसरे टी-20 मैच में शनिवार को न्यूजीलैंड के खिलाफ मिली हार के बाद भारतीय टीम के कप्तान विराट कोहली ने टीम की बल्लेबाजी को हार के लिए जिम्मेदार ठहराया है। किवी टीम ने दूसरे मैेच में भारत को 40 रनों से हरा दिया।मेहमान टीम ने कोलिन मुनरो की नाबाद 109 रनों की पारी के दम पर भारत के सामने 197 रनों का लक्ष्य रखा था। भारतीय टीम इस लक्ष्य को हासिल नहीं कर पाई और 20 ओवरों में सात विकेट खोकर 156 रन ही बना सकी। मैच के बाद पुरस्कार वितरण समारोह में कोहली ने कहा न्यूजीलैंड ने बल्ले से शानदार प्रदर्शन किया। हमने मौकों को भुनाया नहीं हां एक समय लग रहा www.khaskhabar.com Nov 05, 2017, 00:15 IST पूरी स्टोरी पढ़ें » Read More:

Suhana Appears With Juhi Chawla In A Stunning Photo; The Princess Of Bollywood Is Keeping The Eyes Of Media On ... - Daily Bhaskar

Saturday, November 4 2017

Suhana Appears With Juhi Chawla In A Stunning Photo; The Princess Of Bollywood Is Keeping The Eyes Of Media On ... - Daily Bhaskar

Home » Entertainment » Bollywood » Suhana Khan Is Graceful Suhana Appears With Juhi Chawla In A Stunning Photo; The Princess Of Bollywood Is Keeping The Eyes Of Media On Her Daily Bhaskar Nov 04, 2017, 16:34 IST +13 Suhana Khan has shared yet another picture, this time with Juhi Chawla, which has gone viral. Suhana has been very visible in the past few weeks. It is given that she has a great advantage in the industry, what with the fact that she is the King Khan's daughter. Suhana has said that she wants to be an actress and wants to “sell dreams” just like her father. Even if she has a huge advantage within the industry, she seems to be working really hard to prove herself worth the hype. She is one of the most followed celebrity kids but it is still no mean feat to have the media constantly focus on her handle all the attention so gracefully. That she is only 17, a fact that is easy to forget from the way she carries herself. Suhana has been honing her acting skills even now. SRK says that he has seen her give theatre performances and that she is very good. And what better judge for acting skills can we ask for than the Baadshah of Bollywood? Her most recent appearance has been at SRK's birthday party where she was seen in an A-line dress. She has been visible enough to invite admiration and severe criticism. Let's take a glimpse at her recent appearances that have kept media on its toes. Find out more by clicking on the following slides 2 of 13

BORN A CRIME: STORIES FROM A SOUTH AFRICAN CHILDHOOD

Friday, November 3 2017

BORN A CRIME: STORIES FROM A SOUTH AFRICAN CHILDHOOD

Single Page Trevor Noah Trevor Noah, a South African comedian and the current host of The Daily Show , was born to a white father and a black mother in apartheid South Africa, at a time when interracial relationships were banned. Born a Crime, his memoir of growing up in Johannesburg in the 1980s and 1990s, provides a ground-level view of the violence and absurdity of everyday life under apartheid. It also tackles the enormous challenges facing the post-apartheid democratic state, including transcending race-thinking and building an inclusive society—but Noah explores these serious issues with irony and wit. Hachette India, 304 pages, Rs 399 More From This Section

Untitled (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9e2SL56FSAw&feature=youtu.be)

Wednesday, November 8 2017

Untitled (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9e2SL56FSAw&feature=youtu.be)

The interactive transcript could not be loaded. Loading... Rating is available when the video has been rented. This feature is not available right now. Please try again later. Published on Dec 20, 2012 Dr. Bernard Widrow shows us his Memory Plane, he and his colleagues at MIT developed the first Random Access Memory in 1951-1953. The magnetic core memory plane technology was bought by IBM and first used in the IBM 701 mainframe. Widrow shows us the toroidal magnets, each one equal to one bit. These cards were stacked and used in the Whirlwind Computer. Category

Untitled (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tbNlMtqrYS0)

Tuesday, November 7 2017

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Rating is available when the video has been rented. This feature is not available right now. Please try again later. Published on Feb 24, 2009 Official video of The Proclaimers performing I'm Gonna Be (500 Miles) from the album Sunshine on Leith.I'm Gonna Be (500 Miles) is available on ‘The Very Best Of The Proclaimers’Buy It Here: http://smarturl.it/tlihzq Like The Proclaimers on Facebook: http://www.facebook.com/TheProclaimers Follow The Proclaimers on Twitter: http://twitter.com/The_Proclaimers

The Hadiya Case Represents the Crossroads Between a Sociological Trend of Muslim Alienation and Self-Assertion by Kerala’s Youth

Thursday, November 9 2017

The Hadiya Case Represents the Crossroads Between a Sociological Trend of Muslim Alienation and Self-Assertion by Kerala’s Youth

By J Devika | 9 November 2017 Previous Next Print | E-mail | Single Page On 30 October, the Supreme Court directed that Hadiya, a 25-year-old Malayali woman whose conversion to Islam and choice of a partner who shared her faith is under judicial scrutiny, be brought before the court on 27 November. In August last year, Hadiya’s father Asokan had filed a petition in the Kerala High Court claiming that she had been forcibly converted to Islam. While the case was ongoing, Hadiya married a Muslim man named Shafin Jahan—her father challenged the marriage in the high court as well. In May 2017, in an extreme and unprecedented move, the court annulled her marriage and confined her to her father’s custody. Three months later, while hearing Jahan’s appeal against the high court’s decision, the Supreme Court directed the National Investigation Agency to conduct a probe into the marriage. Rather than remedying the violation of the two citizens’ rights immediately, the apex court chose to embark on an enquiry into the alleged radicalisation of young Hindu women converts in Kerala. A few days before the latest Supreme Court hearing, Rahul Easwar, a right-wing-leaning activist, had released a video of Hadiya pleading to be freed from forced confinement to her father’s home. She states in the video that she may be “killed anytime—tomorrow or the day after” and that her father was “hitting and kicking” her. The Supreme Court acted deaf to her plea. Though the court observed that Hadiya had the right to choose her partner, by fixing 27 November as the date for her production in court, in effect, it allowed Hadiya’s father and the Hindutva anti-conversion forces in Kerala a whole month to apply greater pressure on her. The Hadiya case has led to a divisive debate in Kerala on the question of individual choice, gender, and religious belonging. The response of the state government—led by the Communist Party of India (Marxist)—has been tepid at best. While the government remained silent through much of the debate on the case, in early October, it submitted before the Supreme Court that the state police could conduct the investigation, and that there was no need for an NIA probe . However, the state government also reportedly submitted a list of over 90 cases of “forced conversions” to the NIA for its probe. Meanwhile, the statement of a young Hindu woman , who said she was tortured at a reconversion centre in Kochi, notes that the Hindutva outfits that run the centre have made much of the fact that if a Hindu woman marries a man of another faith, even if she does not convert herself, her womb will carry his child. They imply that this is tantamount to the effects of adultery. Tensions over intercommunity marriage and conversion are certainly not new in Kerala. But this throwback to a slave-society—in which the women are treated as the inalienable property of their fathers and the social groups to which they belong—is new. It is perhaps a sign that we are at the brink of rewriting the social contract that has undergirded Kerala’s model of communal harmony in the twentieth century. The contract that underlay this harmony was forged mainly by three communities—the Nairs, who had thrown off the traditional Shudra caste status of the pre-colonial and colonial Brahminical order; the Ezhava community, which overcame the practice of untouchability through trade and education in the colonial period; and the Syrian Christians who profited through colonial trade and new economic opportunities. The Muslims of Kerala, despite being an organised community by this time, were only partially included in this social order. The Supreme Court’s response to the case is merely a continuation of the role that Kerala’s courts, as well as Islamophobic media and Hindutva outfits, have played in generating the “love jihad” discourse. “Love jihad” is widely understood as an exercise by a secret group of Muslim men (and women, according to some accounts), who are given material rewards to seduce, marry, and convert Hindu and Christian women. In other cases in Kerala, too, the courts have sent the women to their parents’ custody, even when they were majors and adults, allowing time for the families to pressure the women into leaving their chosen partners. The judicial concern for love jihad was first voiced in Kerala in 2009 by Justice KT Sankaran of the Kerala High Court , who ordered a police probe into the existence of the practice, while rejecting the anticipatory bail pleas of two men accused of conducting it. The police report was not conclusive—it noted that there was reason to suspect some forceful conversions, but there was no organised attempt at doing so. The media irresponsibly sensationalised the cases and painted the two men as Islamic radicals. Soon, news reports claiming that love-jihad marriages were on the rise began to appear frequently—for instance, on 27 September 2009, the Hindutva right-wing Malayalam-language daily Janmabhoomi reported that 2,864 girls were preyed upon by “love jihadis,” but with no indication of the sources. This insidious propaganda has continued in the right-leaning mainstream media ever since. In an article published on 10 June 2012, the well-known weekly magazine Kalakaumudi claimed that 6,129 non-Muslim girls were “trapped” under love-jihad relationships after 2006. The article noted that, on average, there were 180 conversions per year, and that this was a conspiracy to divide the Hindus. Two important aspects of intercommunity marriage and conversion in Kerala were completely ignored or rendered invisible by this discourse: one, the fact that for women who married men of other communities to join their husband’s faith was a well-established practice in the state for decades. This is a direct effect of the practice of effectively compulsory endogamy in Kerala, by which such women are inevitably rejected by their own communities and families. Compounded by the fact that women in Kerala face great disadvantages in the labour market, this has led to women choosing to enter their partners’ community. Secondly, this discourse failed to recognise that conversion to the Hindu faith from Christian and Muslim communities has been quite significant too. There is a well-established network of Hindu conversion centres in Kerala, which includes the Arya Samajam, the Kerala Hindu Mission, and the Akhila Bharatha Ayappa Seva Sangham. In late September, it was widely reported that a woman made allegations of torture and confinement of 65 women at the Arsha Vidhya Samajam centre, a yoga centre in Tripunithura, established by Hindutva outfits in order to reconvert young people who choose partners from other faiths. The love-jihad discourse has today entered the vocabulary of public discourse, embraced by sections of the dominant Left, including prominent rationalists. Interestingly, its growth coincided with the rise and spread of another term’s usage in the state—moral policing. The phrase gained currency and came to be associated with agitations against moral policing, such as the “ Kiss of Love ” protests in 2014. The two terms actually reveal the broad contours of the ongoing social struggle in this society. In the second decade of the twenty-first century, the overwhelming social issue, it appears, is seduction. The talk of love-jihad essentially points to seduction overpowering women in the Hindu and Christian communities: its primary claim was that young Muslim men were seducing young women of these communities to recruit them for reprehensible Islamicist terrorism. To that extent, this talk policed the boundaries of communities and controlled women’s movement on and past these. In modern-day Kerala, as in several other places where this discourse has arisen, seduction appears to be seen as a crime worse than even rape— like it was in ancient Greece . Rape arouses public anger in Kerala the most when a sentimental narrative of family loss can be woven around the survivor, and no evidence of her sexual agency is available. However, seduction arouses greater disgust, at least among the highly patriarchal entrenched caste-communities in Kerala, for reasons similar to those advanced in ancient Greece—seduction steals loyalty to the master and his group. The fear of this shift in loyalty to a different religious community has been a significant cause for the furore over the alleged instances of love jihad in the state. Such a shift would represent the weakening of the prevailing social order, in which the Muslim community was excluded, and which was maintained through a strict endogamy. The present social order in Kerala came into place post-Independence, after a host of factors during the centuries of colonial rule led to a major shift from the pre-colonial order in the Malayalam-speaking regions. In the pre-colonial era, three powerful communities dominated the social and political norms of society—the Brahminical Hindus, the Christians, and the Muslims. Each of these communities was characterised by distinct origin myths that established its claims to be part of society and to control resources. The Brahminical Hindus have the myth of Parasurama as the progenitor of Kerala; the Syrian Christians have the myth of St Thomas, and the Muslims, of Malik Dinar. All three founders are believed to be deeply proximate with the central figures of each faith as well. The Hindus, who had a monopoly over political power, accommodated the others within the framework of the Brahminical order based on caste and janmabhedam , or difference-by-birth. As a result, endogamy became central to the social order in Kerala. Through this order, the Brahminical Hindus established the respective places, rights, and rules of mutual interaction of other communities. The Dalit communities, whose myths speak again and again of dispossession, were relegated to the outside. This changed through colonialism. Protestant missionary work produced a space, however limited, for some Dalit communities such as the Ezhavas to challenge their exclusion, while communities such as the Syrian Christians, buoyed up by the economic growth under colonialism, were able to establish themselves in the Brahminical socio-political order. The Muslim communities, however, began to be excluded. Colonial resource extraction, for instance through the land revenue settlement in the Malabar region, worked deeply against the Muslims. Moreover, Muslim rebellions against marginalisation—such as the armed uprising in the Malabar region in 1921 , against British and Hindu dominance in the region—pushed the community slowly towards the social periphery. As a result, in the post-Independence arrangement of community power, they were no longer full participants in the core. The determination of which communities would comprise the powerful in the post-Independence era depended on who controlled state resources and on maintaining social boundaries, especially through endogamy. Though Islam as a faith was not fully accepted, the Muslim community were granted a partial inclusion that was conditional upon the community’s efforts towards modernisation and social development. For instance, the public discourse, in the 1960s, often criticised Muslims for not being committed to “social development” and the community was frequently under suspicion of not adhering to state policies on family planning and birth control. Thus, though it was not always apparent at the time, their status was always precarious. It is this social order that underlay Kerala’s atmosphere of communal coexistence in the second half of the twentieth century. But as the twentieth century drew to a close, the Muslim communities in Kerala began to thrive through the Gulf Boom—a term that refers to the migration of workers from Kerala to the Arab states of the Persian Gulf region in the 1970s—and the employment that they found there. The Gulf Boom, along with reservation policies for Other Backward Classes, led to young Malayali Muslims entering higher education and employment at a much higher rate than elsewhere in the country. Moreover, new discourses of community re-forming among Muslim communities also began to appear in the 1990s, in the wake of rising Hindu majoritarian assertions at the national level. These new Islamicist voices, shaped by transnational links, demanded a re-examination of the social order that shaped Kerala’s core at the time. As Hindu majoritarianism gains strength and state power, the other core communities—the Nairs, Ezhavas, and Syrian Christians—have now begun to see the limits of claims on the local state. They now seek to redraw the core social order by pivoting it on claims on the Hindutva-controlled state at the national level, and this process has involved the further of exclusion of Kerala Muslims. For instance, the demonising of the Islamicist Popular Front of India , which is shared by the dominant Left, marks an attempt to decisively alienate the group of Muslims who seek a review of the terms of their inclusion and insist that they be content with the earlier terms. Endogamy remains the primary constitutive rule of the game, which has led to the anxiety over Muslims allegedly upsetting it through marrying Hindu women. At the same time, in everyday life now, the state is witnessing an intermingling of young people across communities in colleges and outside. With the ubiquitous usage of social media, cell phones and other means of communication, which families and community authorities cannot control, the young population of the state has been empowered to make their own choices. According to the state government’s Digital Kerala report , published in October 2016, Kerala has the highest mobile-phone penetration rate in the country—close to 32 million connections for a population of around 33 million. The report also notes that the government’s [email protected] project, which aims to make at least four lakh graduating students computer literate every year, has ensured that 12,600 schools in the state have a high level of computer literacy. As a result, policing of social boundaries in the state has become all the more urgent and even violent. Unfortunately, the state’s youth, who now bid to assert themselves as full human beings and citizens, are facing the collateral damage of these battles fought by the elite among the dominant communities. Young people, such as Hadiya, who choose their faith and partner freely, are being dragged back violently into the control of their fathers and communities of birth. The young people of Kerala suffer today , caught in the tussles between patriarchal families, and community elites; and between the Left, which adheres to an anachronistic vision of Malayali society on the one hand, and fundamental changes in society, which are brought about by more far-flung transformations on the other. Hadiya is a symbol of the trauma and terror that they suffer. This incident is not singular; it is a continuing tale of oppression and resistance. J Devika is a feminist historian, translator and social researcher at the Centre for Development Studies in Kerala. More From This Section

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Wednesday, November 8 2017

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Rating is available when the video has been rented. This feature is not available right now. Please try again later. Published on Nov 7, 2017 Steven Spielberg directs Meryl Streep and Tom Hanks in The Post, a thrilling drama about the unlikely partnership between The Washington Post’s Katharine Graham (Streep), the first female publisher of a major American newspaper, and editor Ben Bradlee (Hanks), as they race to catch up with The New York Times to expose a massive cover-up of government secrets that spanned three decades and four U.S. Presidents. The two must overcome their differences as they risk their careers – and their very freedom – to help bring long-buried truths to light.The Post marks the first time Meryl Streep, Tom Hanks and Steven Spielberg have collaborated on a project. In addition to directing, Spielberg produces along with Amy Pascal and Kristie Macosko Krieger. The script was written by Liz Hannah and Josh Singer, and the film features an acclaimed ensemble cast including Alison Brie, Carrie Coon, David Cross, Bruce Greenwood, Tracy Letts, Bob Odenkirk, Sarah Paulson, Jesse Plemons, Matthew Rhys, Michael Stuhlbarg, Bradley Whitford and Zach Woods.In Theaters December 22, 2017Director: Steven SpielbergScreenplay by: Liz Hannah, Josh SingerProduced by: Steven Spielberg, Amy Pascal and Kristie Macisko KriegerCast: Meryl Streep, Tom Hanks, Alison Brie, Carrie Coon, David Cross, Bruce Greenwood, Tracy Letts, Bob Odenkirk, Sarah Paulson, Jesse Plemons, Matthew Rhys, Michael Stuhlbarg, Bradley Whitford and Zach WoodsConnect with The Post Online:Visit the Official Site Here: http://ThePostMovie.com Like The Post on FACEBOOK: https://www.facebook.com/ThePostOfficial Follow The Post on TWITTER: https://twitter.com/ThePostMovie Follow The Post on INSTAGRAM: https://www.instagram.com/ThePostMovie #ThePost About 20th Century FOX:Official YouTube Channel for 20th Century Fox Movies. Home of Avatar, Aliens, X-Men, Die Hard, Deadpool, Ice Age, Alvin and the Chipmunks, Rio, Peanuts, Maze Runner, Planet of the Apes, Wolverine and many more.Connect with 20th Century FOX Online:Visit the 20th Century FOX WEBSITE: http://bit.ly/FOXMovie Like 20th Century FOX on FACEBOOK: http://bit.ly/FOXFacebook Follow 20th Century FOX on TWITTER: http://bit.ly/TwitterFOX The Post | Official Trailer [HD] | 20th Century FOX